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Posted in: Islamic Gender & Religious Apartheid

Published on Aug 07, 2008 by Phyllis Chesler

Published by Pajamas Media

Islamic Imperialism in the Former Yugoslavia


Oh, this matter is indeed a bloody morass. Here is a piece that someone has just sent me about the “ethnic cleansing” of Serbian Christians by Muslims in Sarajevo.

Source http://www.adnkronos.com/AKI/English/Politics/?id=1.0.2396935759

Bosnia: Muslims dominate capital, claims Croatian MP

Sarajevo, 6 August (AKI) – The Bosnian capital of Sarajevo, once a symbol of ethnic diversity, has become an entirely Muslim city, a Croat deputy in the Bosnian Parliament, Branko Zrno, said on Wednesday.

"Sarajevo definitely isn't a multi-ethnic city, but the city of one group, the Bosniacs (Muslims), ” Zrno told local media.

He pointed out that Serbs and Croats in Sarajevo have no institutional protection, and continue to leave the capital.

Zrno echoed allegations from Bosnian Serb leaders, including Serb entity Prime Minister Milorad Dodik, that non-Muslims in Sarajevo suffered discrimination and were denied their rights.

This just in from my colleague Dr. Andrew Bostom.

My blog from this past February on “moderate” Bosnian President Izetbegovic

It is worth recalling that our "moderate" Bosnian Muslim ally in the 1990s, was President Alija Izetbegovic. Mr. Izetbegovic was a youthful recruiter for Himmler's Nazi Bosnian Muslim Handschar Division, pious Muslim polygamist with four wives (as [2] David Binder's N.Y Times obituary [10/20/03] noted, "He is survived by his first wife, Halida, who lives in Turkey; a son, Bakir; two daughters, Leila Aksami and Sabina; his second wife, Melika; and his third wife, Amira, whom he married in 1993 under Shari'a, the Islamic code of law. In February 1995, the newspaper Slobodna Bosna published congratulations to him on his fourth marriage, without naming the woman."), and author of the [3] 1970 Islamic Declaration—in which he openly avowed support for a revived Caliphate—under Shari'a—of necessity including, of course, a vigorous re-Islamization of the Balkans.[3]  

[5] http://www.andrewbostom.org/blog/2008/02/22/our-kosovo-folly-more-fulfillment-of-izetbegovic%E2%80%99s-%E2%80%9Cmoderate%E2%80%9D-vision/

Our Kosovo Folly: More Fulfillment of Izetbegovic's "Moderate" Vision?

February 22nd, 2008 by Andrew Bostom

[6] izetbegovic.jpg

Izetbegovic (d. 2003): Are We Helping to Realize His Caliphate Dreams ?

The intrepid [7] Julia Gorin details why US support for an independent Kosovo is dangerous folly. Kosovo is a narco-jihadist vipers nest bent on ethnically cleansing its residual native pre-Islamic Serb inhabitants, in fulfillment of regional, and perhaps larger Islamic goals.

My forthcoming "[8] The Legacy of Islamic Antisemitism" includes a poignant description of the chronic plight of Serbs under Muslim rule—a plight shared with Balkan Jewry, as per the system of dhimmitude—by the early 20th century sociologist and geographer Jovan Cvijic. In La Peninsule Balkanique, Paris, 1918, his detailed psychosocial analysis of the Serbian and other Christian dhimmis under Muslim, including, notably Albanian rule, Cvijic described how the fear of recurrent violence accentuated their submission, engendering prototypical dhimmi adaptive behaviors:

[they became]…accustomed to belonging to an inferior, servile class, whose duty it is to make themselves acceptable to the master, to humble themselves before him and to please him. These people become close-mouthed, secretive, cunning; they lose all confidence in others; they grow used to hypocrisy and meanness because these are necessary in order for them to live and to avoid violent punishments. The direct influence of oppression and violence is manifested in almost all the Christians as feelings of fear and apprehension. Whenever Moslem brigands or evil-doers made their appearance somewhere, entire districts used to live in terror, often for months on end. There are regions where the Christian population has lived under a reign of fear from birth until death. In certain parts of Macedonia, they don't tell you how they fought against the Turks or against the Albanians, but rather about the way that they managed to flee from them, or the ruse that they used to escape them. In Macedonia I heard people say: "Even in our dreams we flee from the Turks and the Albanians." It is true that for about twenty years a certain number of them have regained their composure, but the deep-seated feeling has not changed among the masses of people. Even after the liberation in 1912 one could tell that a large number of Christians had not yet become aware of their new status: fear could still be read on their faces.

It is worth recalling that our "moderate" Bosnian Muslim ally in the 1990s, was President Alija Izetbegovic. Mr. Izetbegovic was a youthful recruiter for Himmler's Nazi Bosnian Muslim Handschar Division,

Folks: To continue: Press on Dr. Bostom’s link above.

As for me: I’m on vacation and “going fishing” for while now.


Folks: I am getting many articles on the Balkan Mess. I am still no expert but what must be admitted is this: The West, including America, has been “had” in terms of signing on to only one acceptable narrative: The Christian Serbs are the evil aggressors and the Muslim separatists and imperialists are the innocent victims. (Where have we heard this before?)

The truth: That all sides committed war crimes but not genocide is apparently too complicated to bear. Anyway, I am reposting an entire article that has just appeared. Once again, dear reader, tell me what you know and what you think about this.

READERS PLEASE NOTE: I will post no comments that insult other commentators or that insult me. Good will must be assumed or I must assume an absence of civility on the insulter’s part. Also please note: This is not a legal tribunal. And calls for “evidence” must bear this in mind.

What are the lessons we must learn from the article? Please read the Comments posted at the Trifkovic article below.

Source http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/?p=673

[9] Karadzic's Arrest: Bosnian Myths Rehashed

by Srdja Trifkovic

The spirit of the media frenzy surrounding the arrest of the former Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic on July 21 is based entirely on the doctrine of non-equivalence inaugurated in 1992: Serbs willed the war, Muslims wanted peace; Serb crimes are bad and justly exaggerated, Muslim crimes are understandable.

This doctrine was spectacularly reiterated a month before Karadzic's capture, when the Muslim wartime commander of Srebrenica, Nasir Oric, was found not guilty by The Hague Tribunal of any responsibility for the killing of thousands of Serb civilians by the forces under his command in the three years before the fall of the enclave in July 1995. It is also apparent today, in the endless media repetition of Karadzic's alleged bellicose intransigence before and during the Bosnian war.


The imbalance is more than merely unfair. The talking heads gloating over Karadzic's capture no longer need to suppress the thought that different U.S. policies could have prevented the horror of "Bosnia," because no such thought—however pertinent in this case—ever occurs to them. Yet the fact remains that in the spring of 1992 the late Warren Zimmermann, the last U.S. ambassador to Yugoslavia before its breakup and civil war, materially contributed—probably more than any other single man—to the outbreak of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The facts of the case have been established beyond reasonable doubt and are no longer dosputed by experts.

Nine months earlier, in June 1991, Slovenia and Croatia declared independence, a move that triggered off a short war in Slovenia and a sustained conflict in Croatia where the Serbs refused to accept Tudjman's fait accompli. These events had profound consequences on Bosnia and Herzegovina, that "Yugoslavia in miniature." The Serbs (34%) adamantly opposed the idea of Bosnian independence. The Croats (17%) predictably rejected any suggestion that Bosnia and Herzegovina remains within a Serb-dominated rump Yugoslavia.

Alija Izetbegovic, the leader of the Muslim community (43%), had decided as early as September 1990 that Bosnia should also declare independence if Slovenia and Croatia secede. On 27 February 1991 he went a step further: "I would sacrifice peace for a sovereign Bosnia-Herzegovina, but for that peace in Bosnia-Herzegovina I would not sacrifice sovereignty." The process culminated with the referendum on independence (29 February 1992). The Serbs duly boycotted it. In the end just over 62 percent of voters opted for independence, overwhelmingly Muslims and Croats; but even this figure was short of the two-thirds majority required by the constitution. This did not stop the rump government of Izetbegovic from declaring independence on 3 March.

Simultaneously one last attempt was under way to save peace. The Portuguese foreign minister Jose Cutileiro organized a conference in Lisbon attended by the three communities' leaders, Izetbegovic, Radovan Karadzic, and the Croat leader Mate Boban. The EU mediators persuaded the three sides that Bosnia-Herzegovina should be independent but internally organized on the basis of ethnic regions or "cantons."

The breakthrough was due to the Bosnian Serbs' acceptance of an independent Bosnia, provided that the Muslims give up their ambition of a centralized, unitary one. Izetbegovic appeared to accept that this was the best deal he could make—but soon he was to change his mind. When he returned from Lisbon, Zimmermann flew post haste from Belgrade to Sarajevo to tell him that the U.S. did not stand behind the Cutileiro plan. He said it was a means to "a Serbian power grab" that could be prevented by internationalizing the problem. When Izetbegovic said that he did not like the Lisbon agreement, Zimmerrmann encouraged him to renege. State Department subsequently admitted that the US policy "was to encourage Izetbegovic to break with the partition plan." The New York Times (August 29, 1993) brought a revealing quote from the key player himself:

The embassy [in Belgrade] was for recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina from sometime in February on," Mr. Zimmermann said of his policy recommendation from Belgrade. "Meaning me." … Immediately after Mr. Izetbegovic returned from Lisbon, Mr. Zimmermann called on him in Sarajevo… "He said he didn't like it; I told him, if he didn't like it, why sign it?"


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